Monthly Archives: October 2009

Why net neutrality matters

October 26, 2009

The idea that “content is king” is a favorite slogan among media people, since it’s comforting to think that the industry is ruled by its creative side. Comforting, but fictional.

Who does rule the media kingdom? Not the content creators, but the people who control their physical access to the public, that’s who. Sooner or later, channels trump content.

That’s why people who care about freedom of expression have to start by caring about the freedom of the channels over which expression flows.

Hence the importance of the simmering controversy over so-called net neutrality—a policy that is intended to keep the companies that rent us access to the Internet from playing favorites among Web services, information exchanges, content providers of all kinds.

Why does that matter? Because the pace and direction of media development have historically set by the people who controlled the contact points with the public:

- The film industry was the creature not of movie-makers, but of early 20th century theater-owners who wanted to fill their seats. They fled the East Coast for Southern California to escape the Edison Trust monopoly over supplies of film stock—a stranglehold broken up by the government in 1917. Freeing up those channels made Hollywood possible.

- The Hollywood studio system that arose rested first and foremost not on content deals with stars and directors, but on ownership of movie theaters, which froze out independent producers. In 1948 the government forced the studios to give up the cinemas–and a new Hollywood was born.

The story goes on. FM radio languished for decades, despite its inherent superiority over AM, until regulators forced radio-owners to stop squatting on FM as a secondary outlet for their AM Top-40 rubbish and populate it with content of its own. That wasn’t until the 1960s, and the result was a robust appetite for sounds to fill high-fidelity channels—the ideal midwife for the birth of alternative rock-n-roll.

Channels rule content. It’s the promise of assured access to the public that inspires and emboldens content creators.  During a 20-year period starting in the 1970s, when the three major TV networks were barred from monopolizing the downstream syndication channels for programs they produced, independent TV programming flourished, and in the aftermath three new TV networks emerged. Demonopolizing channel control was pivotal.

And so to net neutrality.  It’s now the subject of a ruling by the Federal Communications Commission formalizing a policy outlined in 2005, and it’s being written into congressional legislation that seems to have strong support.  The basic question is whether the companies that control the channels through which you access the Internet—generally big telecoms such as Comcast and AT&T—should be allowed to favor some content providers over others.

Will they be free to decide which content will flow easily and which content will go slowly? Will they be allowed to charge more for Web services that compete with companies they own, or force such independents onto slower transmission speeds, or strong-arm startups into cutting them in as partners in exchange for favored online treatment, or make it harder or costlier for you to hook up devices made by companies they aren’t in cahoots with?

Comcast, the country’s biggest cable-owner, already ran afoul of neutrality guidelines and was slapped by regulators in 2008 for furtively interfering with traffic on BitTorrent, a peer-to-peer file-swapping network. Comcast is moving heavily into the content business; it owns several sports channels and a big piece of E! Entertainment.  It’s pioneering an offering of online programs—HBO’s Entourage and AMC’s Mad Men—exclusively for its Internet subscribers. And it’s maneuvering to buy NBC-Universal from GE, which would give it a major TV network and one of its top movie studios.

It’s inevitable that Comcast will be competing with some of the same online services that rely on its cable systems to reach the public.

Likewise with AT&T: Where’s the guarantee that it’ll give nondiscriminatory treatment to an online company like Skype, whose worldwide Internet phone service competes directly with AT&T’s core phone service?

Control over channels constitutes a perpetual, potential stranglehold over media development, even with a technology whose growth and flowering seem to be as unstoppable as the Internet’s.

Content may never be king. The throne may still be held by the channel-masters. But net neutrality, like an information age Magna Carta, is a way to ensure that their power is not absolute.

 -30-

Striking a blow against online deception

Oct. 12, 2009

Online communicators of all stripes, whether they blog or tweet or befriend on social networking sites, are now supposed to tell you when they’ve received any money or freebies in connection with recommendations they post about products they’ve tried out.

That’s what the Federal Trade Commission decided last week, after months of gathering public input and stroking its chin. And the response from the online commentariat—true, never a placid bunch–is an unusually powerful wave of indignation, splutter, fury and bile, including fierce denunciations from some of the most influential and most respected voices on the Internet.

“A dangerous federal intervention in social media” and “an attack on markets and free speech,” says Dan Gillmor, author of “We the Media” and a major force for new-age citizen journalism. “Truly terrible,” Jeff Bercovici says on his widely followed Daily Finance blog on AOL.  “A monument to unintended consequence, hidden dangers and dangerous assumptions,” says Jeff Jarvis of CCNY’s journalism grad school and a prominent shaper of online practices.  Blogger Ron Hogan on AlleyCat suggests the FTC will now have to monitor 27.9 million Americans. Ryan Singel’s posting on Wired is headlined, “FTC tells amateur bloggers to disclose freebies or be fined,” and even Slate’s Jack Shafer, who is normally right about most everything, denounced “the FTC’s mad power grab” and declared:

“Allowing these guidelines to take effect would be like giving the government a no-knock warrant to investigate hundreds of thousands of blogs and hundreds of millions of Facebook, MySpace, and Twitter users for … saying nice things about goods and services.”

I don’t know what’s wrong with me, but I don’t agree with these people at all.

Let’s back up. The FTC is the principal regulator of the advertising industry, which is some comfort to those of you who didn’t know the ad industry had a regulator. Accordingly, it promotes standards of truthfulness in commercial speech.

The commission was revising, for the first time since 1980, its general policies on product endorsements—endorsements from celebrities, “experts,” outside organizations and seemingly ordinary civilians—any advice to buy something from someone who appears to be standing apart from the people who produce it.

One problem the FTC was addressing is the bountiful supply of tempting marketing opportunities via online venues where people talk about things they buy and stuff they try. Marketers are aflutter over the possibilities of furtively seeding this cloud of independent and trustworthy commentators with payments and perks, so that they use their independence in trustworthy ways—meaning, to gush about the things they’re paid to gush about, just like any other self-respecting shills.

Fine. But when an Internet-chat tech maven praises a gadget, should she also have to mention that it was provided to her free of charge or, by the way, that she was given a free trip to a Vegas trade show so she could road-test it in a suitable setting?

You bet, said the FTC. Any time we’re led to believe that the opinion somebody expresses is truly theirs and the credibility we attach to that person’s words would be altered if we knew that he had gotten the product for free (or gotten something else of value from its producer), that’s something we should know.

What’s wrong with that? To be fair, the critics don’t quarrel with the desirability of disclosure; they revere transparency. But they’re annoyed that the FTC treats, say, a book reviewer for a newspaper differently from a freelance blogger. The newspaper employee wouldn’t have to say she got books for free while the blogger would. The commission reasons that employees in an organization with a culture of editorial independence deserve different treatment, but I think the critics are right. There’s no principled reason for the distinction.

And they object to the sweeping oversight powers the commission seems to be claiming: How on earth is anybody going to police hundreds of thousands of possibly corrupt voices?

For its part, the FTC has made it clear its focus is not on bloggers but on advertisers, who are responsible for telling online commentators about these disclosure obligations. That puts the burden where it belongs—on the people who seek to gain from what is, essentially, deception.

True, enforcement will be spotty. But then, we support speed limits even though we know that only a tiny fraction of the people who exceed them will ever be ticketed.

The challenge is much the same. To make sure that standards are posted and understood. In this case, the FTC has taken a reasonable step toward safeguarding the future of honest communication online.

-30